National University of Singapore
Anthropology and the Human Condition
Comparison Ethnographic Assessment Essay
It would seem that in every single society, marriage is one necessary manifestation of the society's culture. Marital life regulates, sets up and legitimizes sexual relations. Human communities have many different marriage systems, and in my own review of " Everyday Life in Southeast AsiaвЂќ and " The Dobe Ju/'hoansiвЂќ, it would appear that this continual theme of marital life is always limited by the cultures, or guidelines, that were built upon it. While we see illustrations of elaborate set ups within culture that determine whether a union between two human beings through marriage is possible, I will attempt to show that such idea of the solidity of marriage systems being constrained by simply culture are actually contrary, and this human beings, getting agents with their cultural composition, are able to impact change and make decisions outside the power over these matrimony systems and cultural set ups.
Arranged Marriages Among the Ju/'hoan
In Richard Lee's publication on the Ju/'hoansi, he stated that the research for a marriage spouse for a boy or a girl usually starts soon after a child is born. Within their society, almost all first marriages are set up by the father and mother and may require a decade or more of gift exchange between parents of prospective bride and grooms, known as kamasi - prior to children are basically wed. Ladies or young boys are purely constrained in their marriage in this particular system in terms of whom they might marry. This is due to the agreement of marital life is bound by guidelines within Ju/'hoan culture, including the kinship and name marriage of the leads. Without entering the specific rules, what this kind of translates to is the fact when a son's and a girl's prohibitions are all merged, up to 3/4 of all potential spouses can be excluded by simply reason of real kin ties or name associations. Lee remarks that used, parents of girls tend to end up being very fussy about who have their daughters marry, and if a young person is faulty for any explanation, a family member or name prohibition can easily always be located to justify it.
The finding a appropriate marriage partner is even more complicated by other ethnic rules which can be established in Ju/'hoan culture. In the Ju/'hoan mother's perspective of points, an ideal son-in-law is another or distantly related gentleman whose identity relation to the girl is! kun! a (old name), one of the most cordial of joking contact. Besides the correct kinship-name connection, the parents of the girl search for several other characteristics in a son-in-law. He should be a good seeker, he probably should not have a reputation as a fighter, and he should come from a congenial category of people who enjoy hxaro, the Ju/'hoan sort of traditional exchange. The last criterion is analyzed before matrimony between parents of the possible groom and bride through kamasi that was stated earlier, plus the marriage may well still be known as off and a new betrothal sought if either area does not maintain the exchange.
Taken altogether, what we see here is an intricate and somewhat exclusive set of ethnical rules that determine how marital life within Ju/'hoan society works. Yet to comprehend the true nature of relationship in communities like the Ju/'hoansi, we have to see that marriage complicite form an important part of the system of social security. If speculate if this trade good contact with in-laws at diverse waterholes, one will never get hungry because the marriage of the young couple creates a significant bond between your two families and their camps. Therefore , marital life decisions might also possibly be one of a strategic intergroup alliance between two camps, with kids betrothed in a marriage union with little or no say to this kind of social union.
Matrimony and Opium Among the Lisu
Gillogly researched the changes inside the systems of kinship and particularly, marital life, in a Lisu village that had altered in...
Bibliography: Gillogly, K. (2011). Marriage and Opium in a Lisu Village in Northern Thailand. In K. A. Adams, Everyday Life in Southeast Asia (pp. 79-88). Indiana, Usa: Indiana School Press.
Jonsson, H. (2011). Recording Custom and Measuring Progress inside the Ethnic Minority Highlands of Thailand. In K. A. Adams, Everyday activities in Southeast Asia (pp. 107-116). Indiana, United States of America: Indiania University Press.
Lee, 3rd there’s r. B. (2012). The Dobe Ju/ 'hoansi. (Fourth Edition). Toronto: Wadsworth, Cengage Learning.
Lyons, Meters. F. (2011). Narratives of Agency: Sexual intercourse Work in Dalam negri 's Borderlands. In T. A. Adams, Everyday Life in Southeast Asia (pp. 295-303). Indiana, United states: Indiania School Press.